Ratan Kumar Roy
Portrayal of torture and victimization in the university.
Inscription in Bengali: You are Safe. Photo Credit: Subarna Roy
The BUET students’ protest manifested some of the vibrant cultural forms used by the contemporary student movement in Bangladesh. Departing from tactics of typical protest movements, they opted for a creative path aided by media and performative elements. A street play portraying the act of brutality at once questioned the nature of student politics, growing intolerance in society, crumbling ethos of the people and dubious political culture.
The history of social movements in contemporary
Bangladesh is vibrantly marked and characterized by students and youth-led
protests. The most recent protest was in response to the brutal killing of
Abrar Fahad, an engineering student of BUET (Bangladesh University of
Engineering and Technology) on 7 Oct 2019 by members of the ruling party’s
student organization Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) in the university hostel. Outrage
over his murder swept through social media platforms. Along with reactions to
his murder, his last Facebook post also went viral in the media. In this post,
Abrar is critical of the bilateral agreement signed between Bangladesh and
India during the ongoing visit of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to India. With
reference to some historical facts and instances, he questions the decision to
allow India to withdraw water from Feni river of Bangladesh.[i]
The BCL men allegedly interrogated him for
hours before killing him. They suspected his involvement with Shibir, the student
front of Jamaat-e-Islami. There has been a widespread socio-political
resistance against Jamaat (as well as its student wing) with the charge of it being
pro-Pakistan and a platform of the war criminals of 1971.
The BUET students’
protest manifested some of the vibrant cultural forms used by the contemporary
student movement in Bangladesh. Departing from tactics of typical protest
movements, they opted for a creative path aided by media and performative
elements. A street play portraying the act of brutality at once questioned
the nature of student politics, growing intolerance in society, crumbling ethos
of the people and dubious political culture. Two crucial aspects can be drawn
from the play performed as a resistance mechanism. Firstly, the
performers-cum-protestors did not expect an immediate success in changing the
suffocating conditions just because they were highlighting the failure of
various efforts and mobilizations that resulted in the brutal killing of Abrar.
Yet they continued with an ordinary performance, where in the last scene the
protagonist was knotted tight and covered with plastic. His eyes were tied and he
was left alone on the street. Viewers took twenty minutes to respond and came to
the rescue. Such participative engagement of the people encouraged the
performers to keep making efforts in stimulating masses and awakening their
conscience.
The other provocative
element they brought into the public domain was the graffiti that symbolized
the torture and power exercised by the student wing of the ruling party. In
this matter, the protestors expressed their discomfort with all kinds of
student fronts affiliated with political parties. This in their view did not
propagate an apolitical tendency. Instead, it was meant to invite fresh thinking
about the nature of student politics at a time when organizational politics is
blinded by narrow ideologies, vested interests and calculations for gaining
power and popularity. Student protestors on the other hand, performed their
politics in a more nuanced manner than the politically guided and orchestrated
movements of typical mobilizations.
Graffiti symbolising the dead body of Abrar in the
mortuary. Photo Credit: Subarna Roy
People are coerced and oppressed by politics (Inscription
in Bengali: Politics. Photo Credit: Subarna Roy
Protests by school
students for road safety is another recent instance of the vitality of such
protests. On 29 July 2018, a speeding bus ran over a group of students and
killed two of them. Affected students began protesting and demanding road
safety, along with capital punishment for the driver. Due to the spread of
their demands and protest via social media, students from many other schools also
came out on the street and showed their solidarity. Road accident deaths and
injuries are an everyday phenomena in Bangladesh. Concerns in this regard have
been raised in citizens’ movements, but authorities have taken little corrective
measures. Notwithstanding the state inertia on the issue, on this occasion the
students continued with their boycott of classes and blocking off main streets
in the capital city and other towns. Parents also allowed their children to
attend protests, considering the merit of their demands. Many of them also
joined their children in street protests. The politics of ordinary masses was reflected
in school students holding out handwritten placards saying, ‘We don’t want
Digital Bangladesh; we want Safe Bangladesh’. It is difficult to dismiss such an
expression by simply tagging it as apolitical. Ordinary Bangladeshi citizens were
ridiculing the ploy of ‘Digital Bangladesh’ campaign, pointing out anomalies in
their everyday social lives.
The reaction of the
minister responsible for transport (who is known as leader of the transport
union) further fueled protests. He was accused of smiling on the news camera
and undermining the accident while responding to journalists. Students started
creating provocative memes, icons and posters; spreading them through social
media and even gained global support. In the meantime, they took over the
streets of Dhaka and tried to regulate traffic as a symbolic protest to show how
road safety could be assured. Henceforth, they started performing the role of
traffic police and regulating the streets.
Mediatization of Social
Protest
It is imperative to
examine the mediatization of social mobilizations in contemporary Bangladesh,
where the role of media has been significant. Mediatization enables a
conceptual comprehension of the larger socio-political and cultural
transformation in relation to media by examining both its micro and macro
aspects. In the context of social protests in contemporary Bangladesh, the
framework of mediatization provides a vital aspect of the changing trends of mobilization
along with its ongoing process and meta-process in relation to mediated
communication.
The advent and spread
of social media profoundly influenced the nature, formation and consequences of
social mobilization in Bangladesh. During 2012-13 a series of events ranging
from mob-violence, youth protests, occupy street movements by protestors in
Shahbag, as well as in Shapla Chattar by the Hefazat-e-Islam, relied on social
media platforms.[ii] Similar composition,
coherence and correspondence of visually vibrant and mediated activism were
evident during the mobilization by university aspirants against a question
paper leak, anti-VAT movement by private university students, and protest by
civil service aspirants against “unreasoned” reservations during 2014-2019.[iii]
Broadcasting media also played a crucial role by disseminating and enhancing
the visual and mediatized dimensions of protest mobilizations. Mediated micro
aspects often become triggering factors in protest movements by creating a
hype, speeding up reaction management, provoking protestors, as well as spreading
rumor and vitriol, and disseminating fake news.
Shahbag Protest 2013 by blogger youth. Photo credit: Kakoli
Prodhan
There has been an
intimate correspondence of mediatization with the visual and performative
dimensions of protests. Youth protestors introduced alluring visual dimensions to
the street, and on the walls, both concrete and virtual. They have been
bringing refreshing styles in every episode that unsettle the traditional
protest manual of political parties and groups. Drawing a thin conclusion by
labelling such youth and student protests apolitical would not allow us to see
the polyphonic dimension and multivocality of activism in the current time. It
is indeed worth inquiring into the organizational mechanism, motivational
factors, and structural formations of such short-lived movements. Mediatized
and visualized protest movements by the youth in contemporary Bangladesh invite
deeper and intensive explorations to understand politics and culture in South
Asia. In particular, visual projection and the role of digital media are more significant
for student and youth protests in comparison to other organizational activism,
be it trade unionism or right-wing mobilizations. The issue-based and
unexpected mobilizations offer vibrant visuals due to their multiplicity and
non-organizational and quasi-structured nature. Possibilities of dissemination
on the digital domain, and the vibrancy of cultural and visual expression get
multiplied because there is no burden to follow the chain of command,
compulsions of organizational decorum and obligations to political motives,
unlike the movements initiated by political parties, student organizations and
other social activist groups.
It is a pleasure to
conclude by quoting from a rap song posted on YouTube by Tabib Mahmud a
university student and amateur rapper, who chose to rap as a way of resistance
against corruption and socio-political disorder. In the music video dedicated
to Abrar, he invites the youth to rise and introduces the figure of HipHop
police, an imaginary force ready to punish the corrupt:
“It is time to wake up
youth, look, there is morning sun,
Whosoever asks a bribe,
will be punished...
HipHop police have come
to reopen the pending cases
If the consequence
turns hostile, will sacrifice for the country.”[iv]
Ratan Kumar Roy is a Research Fellow at the Centre for Culture, Media & Governance, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.
[i]
[i] For more about the murder, see: https://www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/news/buet-student-beaten-death-critical-fb-post-costs-his-life-1810798; https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-49986893; https://www.thedailystar.net/city/buet-student-abrar-last-facebook-post-was-feni-river-deal-1810549; (Last accessed on 13 November 2019)
[ii]
The Shahbag movement began on the 5
February 2013 when a group of young bloggers brought out their collective
protest against a verdict by the tribunal that was set to prosecute the war
criminals of 1971. The verdict, which declared lifetime imprisonment of a
Jamaat-e-Islami Leader accused as a war criminal, was opposed by protestors who
demanded death sentence. The protestors occupied the busy Shahbag intersection
of Dhaka. In reaction to the Shahbag protest, Islamic activists mobilized
themselves as Hefazat-e-Islam, alleging that the bloggers were atheists and
enemies of Islam.
[iii] Students started raising their concerns since there was a
lack of initiative by the administration to resolve the alleged question paper
leak before the exam. There was evidence of posts on Facebook about the leak,
and allegedly leaked questions were available on social media. Students adopted
Facebook as the prime medium of mobilization. A similar
strategy was opted for protests by civil service aspirants, who demanded the removal
of the quota system. Their agitation gained popularity as “anti-quota
movement”. In 2015 private university students protested against the imposition
of value added tax (VAT) on their tuition fees. They too adopted social media
for information dissemination and publicity.
[iv] The music video can be accessed on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wsg0khczhM0, Last accessed on 31 October 2019.